The situation of Urdu poetry before 18th century
Urdu is one of the family members of the Modern Indo-Aryan language, and nowadays it is expanded all over the sub- continent. The advent of Aryans and their Indo-Aryan languages were about 3,500 years ago. Since then, it has been developing rapidly. At first, when the Aryans entered in India, the race of Dravidian and Asterisk were hailing there. According to Masood Husain Khan,
“The first attack of Aryans over Dravidians took place in the western and north western part of India. Most Austerik lived in the eastern and central part of India. So the Aryans had to face many difficulties to overpower them”. *1
According to lingual history of India, the Aryans had come here in different periods. The ancient period of Aryans is expanded, over 1000years [1500 to 500.bc]. The authentic books of that period can be seen in the Vedic –Sanskrit. It was the time, when the Aryans and their languages had traveled from Punjab to Bengal. As a result, it had lost its central status, and now it gained the regional status in the whole area.
The medieval period of the Indo Aryan languages is expanded from [500bc to600 ad]. There you will find a strong flow of regional dialects. The real cause of this situation was to rise of Buddhism and Jainism. Their followers wrote their teachings in Pali Prakrit. So a great scholar, Garrierson writes in his famous book ‘The Linguistic Survey of India’ that there were two types of languages in usage. One of them, he named the ‘Eastern Prakrit’ and other the ‘Western Prakrit’. The shape of Shorseni Prakrit was salient while the Eastern Prakrit called ‘Magadhi’. It was the time when the different types of Prakrits had been spoken in different parts of India. Some of them got their literary status soon, like Maharashtraian, Shorseni, Magadhi and Ardha Magadhi etc.
Third and the last period of the Indo-Aryan language is called the modern Indo Aryan language period. It can be traced out since [600ad to1000ad]. In this period, we can easily observe, that some new dialects, were growing faster than before. And the new dialects are getting their literary status soon, it was called ‘the Apbhranshas’[slang language]. These ‘Apbhranshas [or local dialects] were spoken among the local bodies Therefore, Masood Husain Khan says,
“This is an interesting reality in the lingual history, that when any language adorns itself, it is called its degradation”.* 2
Here it is clear, that there was a regular process of formation and destruction among all the languages side by side and no one can deny it.
The modern period of the Indo Aryan languages begins after 1000 ad. In this period not only Urdu rises but also many Apbhranshas also rise here. It is true, that Muslim conquerors came to Delhi in 1193ad. Since then a new era of Indian languages begins. So, one shouldn’t blame that only Muslims are responsible for the birth of Urdu. There is a lingual fact, which a new pattern to raise the languages had been started much before, about 200 years ago. Gradually its rate of growth became faster and many new languages got fragrance to move forward.
The arrival of Muslims on this land was a great event in the history of India, which put a far off result all over the Indian languages. Therefore, Dr Suniti Kumar Chatterji’s [1890-1977] concept is clear,
“Although Muslims didn’t arrive there, hence it was sure to grow the modern Indo Aryan languages here, but it could be late for some time in the literary evolution and development”.* 3
A total period of 200years [1000-1200] took to change the old clothes to Shorseni Apbhranshas and slowly it got a new shape and size. It can be said that pre- Urdu begins since 13th century and it completed its first lingual evolution till 17th century. Since 18th century it entered in the second phase and got his classical form.
Urdu language begins in north India
If you study, the world history, then you can guess easily that there was a good relation between Indo-Arab societies. The Arabian traders have been coming here on the western and Eastern Ghats very long ago. But it doesn’t help anymore in the lingual history of Urdu language.
With the succession of Shahab- uddin Muhammad Ghouri at the throne of Delhi in 1193ad the beginning era of Urdu can be fixing. Later his death, his captain and successor Qutb – uddin Aibak laid the foundation of slave dynasty in 1206 ad. The true situation about the language of that time was in the words of Jamil Jalibi like this;
“When Muslim came to the sub -continent of Indo –Pak, they were speaking Arabic, Persian and Turkish languages, and when they established their rule, Persian was declared as the government’s official language.”*4
Since then, the city of Delhi got honour and it declared as the capital of India. But when we discuss about the language of Urdu, then the first name comes of Amir Khusro [a well known Persian poet and the great scholar of his time]. He didn’t only firm the roots of Persian language in India, but also he laid the foundation of Urdu [the name of Rekhta has given by him]. According to Masood Husain Khan,
“The first poet of Delhi and Paramanash is Amir Khusro [1235-1325ad] ,who has counted the names of twelve languages of India in his masnavi ‘noh –sepahr’. One of them was Lahori and the other Zuban-e –Delhi and Paramanash”.*5
Undoubtedly, we can say that Amir Khusro was the conceded poet of Persian, and since then their works and poetry is read both in India and Iran. But he himself has confessed that
‘Some of the Hindavi poems have been gifted to their friends also’. But he didn’t mind upon such poems. Therefore, we didn’t get its any manuscripts. We can only name it, as the diversion of their mind. After a long period, some of their fans attributed some poems of Rekhta, Puzzles and Limerick based on double entendres to their name.
In the above situations, Urdu language begins in north India, but due to some social, political and economical reasons it could not developed here in the proper way. Its beginning period passed in Deccan, where it stayed for a long time. Now it is necessary to know about its primitive lingual and literary history in South India.
The Deccani style of Urdu from [1300-1700] AD
Deccan is the far off distant place from North India. So at first, the Muslim conquerors didn’t forward towards it soon. After hundred years later, the first sultan of Delhi Ala-uddin Khilji planned to expand his territory in south in 1295 AD. His expedition was led under the leadership, one of his captains Malik Kafoor, which lasted till his death 1316 AD. At first he conquered the region of Gujarat and then Daulatabad [Dev Giri]. Nowadays Daulatabad it is a part of Maharashtra state. In the history of India, it was the first occasion, when the two parts of this country came so closer. The speaking languages of Muslim army was a mixed language, it was based on Turkish, Persian, Punjabi, Haryani and Khari-Boli. It was the first time that these mixed languages and the local language of that region together formed a new language.
To maintain the law and order situation properly, Ala-uddin Khilji divided the whole region in many parts, based each one hundred of villages and appointed a governor [Amir] in such areas. These governors were Turkish and they generally sent by the centre. The group of these governors called ‘Amiran-e Saddah’, and their political status was like a ruler there. As a result, a number of Turkish families settled there, and firmed their roots far and wide. It was such a time, when Deccan and Delhi looked like a home and their courtyards. Now a system of trafficing had been started between north and south. Generally, the religious preceptors [Sufias], scholars [Olemas] and the traders had been going there. This system was continuing about the whole century, and as a result, Urdu became there as a relation’s language.
After Ala-uddin Khilji, the second sultan of Delhi Muhammad Tughlaq sent their army to conquer the region of Deccan. It captured a vast land there. After some times, this sultan made up their mind to transfer the capital of the country from Delhi to Daulatabad due to some political expediency. According to his Shahi Farman [Royal Order] a majority of Delhi’s population had to migrate there. Then it seemed that the whole Delhi has been deserted. But when the law and order situation began to worst in Delhi, he confessed his error, and made his mind to back the capital in Delhi. The distance between Delhi and Daulatatabad is 800miles, so all those people who had migrated there and accepted it as second native land; they didn’t agree to come back again. Just twenty years after of this event, in 1347ad a strong group of ‘Amiran-Saddah’ revolted against the sultan of Delhi. And within the period of two years they laid foundation a new independent sultanate of Bahmani under the leadership of Ala uddin Hasan Gangoh Bahmani. At first Gulbarga was made its centre but later it transferred to Bedar. Gradually it started to expand their boundaries and as a result Golkonda and other Telugu speaking areas came under the rule of this sultanate. The rulers of this sultanate ruled since 1347 ADto 1527 AD.
The third migration process took place when Mongols attacked upon Delhi in 1397 AD /800 AH, and destroyed the city of Delhi. Then the weakest king of the Tughlaq Dynasty, Sultan Nasir-uddin Mahmood Shah ruled there. When he didn’t see any chance to save himself, he fled to Gujrat. A big group of public, holimen [sufia-e-kram] and traders also followed the sultan, because it was the only safe place. The name of Khwaja Banda Nawaz Gesu Daraz like religious preceptor comes in this connection from Delhi.
The attack of Amir Taimur had shaken the roots of the sultanate of Delhi. As a result many provinces of this kingdom began to independent from the centre. Among of them was the province of Gujarat, whose governor Zafar Khan, became independent and adopted the title of Muzaffar Shah. In his newly born sultanate he started to patronage the scholars and the learned persons. So in a short time, Gujarat became the centre place of scholars, accomplished persons and religious preceptors. It was the time, when the public also gathered there to get proper economic facilities.
As the result, the unison of public and government bore two types of language, one of them was based on Arabic and Persian and the other was based on Sanskrit and Gujarat. On the other hand, the language of Gujarat and Deccan was quite differing. So the thinking of Moulvi Abdul Haque is true;
“The language, which reached to south, it divided into two branches, in the region of Deccan it was called ‘Deccani’ by mixing there words and style, just like this when it reached in the region of Gujarat, there it accepted the local distinctive features, so it called Gujrati”. *6
Here it is clear that, there were two types of languages in usage in south. But the rate of growth was quite different in that both place. So far as, the old manuscripts are found in Gujarat, are not in the shape of any book. They are scattered like Malfoozat [saying of saints] or the initial samples of poetry, those were composed by Shah Bajan, Qazi Mahmood Daryai, Shah Ali Jio Gam Dhani and Khoob Muhammad Chishti. These manuscripts only reveal the growth of ancient Urdu. One of the samples of Qazi Mahmood Daryai Bir Puri is given below;
‘Panchon waqt Nimaz guzaroon dayem parhoon Qura’n
Khao halal, bolo mukh sacha, rakho durust iman’. *7
[Complete the five times of prayers, and always recite the Holy Quran, only the lawful food, speak only the truth and save your trust with your Allah]
The above given samples, shows us that there was a strong hold of Shorseni Apbhranshas. But it was the position of universal language.
Development of Urdu language in Bahmani sultanate
The existence of Bahmani sultanate led by the hands of Ala- uddin Hasan Gangoh Bahmani at Gulbarga in 1347 AD , later it was transferred to Bedar. This sultanate ruled till 1527AD, and 18 rulers became there. Although, their sultans were Turkish by race, but later they began to feel pride to say themselves as Deccani. There was no doubt, that after the establishment of their sultanate ‘the feelings of enmity with north’ had been included into their minds. The true situation of that time was in the words of Jamil Jalibi was like so,
“The feelings of enmity with north’ had been included in this new established sultanate. Therefore, as a result they raised all such political issues which were against to north and related to the land of Deccan, and as an effective psychological weapon the Bahmanis encouraged it at a mass scale with local customs. They progressed the native ritual and customs, fairs and festivals and also the religious functions. Such processes were by the views of co-operation, friendly relation and to strengthen the society and culture. It raised a colorful pattern of languages on that land, had global status at that time, now we call him Urdu. By this process, south had made a protective wall against north. So these two parts had been separated from each other for a long period of this sub continent”. *8
The above given passage, reveals that yet the Deccani Urdu had got their identification, and this region was more suitable to develop there. The region of Deccan was the cradle of three languages like Marathi, Kannada and Telugu. One of them only Marathi was the member of the
Indo Aryan family. But when the relations became stronger, then Deccani Urdu absorbed only two emphatic words from them. One of them is ‘ch’ and the other is ‘niko’ [means no], both of them are still in use. The other words have been counterfeit.
On the other hand, Persian was accepted as an official language at the beginning period but later it was changed. So Massood Husain Khan indicated it like thus,
“The official language of Bahmani sultanate was Persian. On the sub administrative level, the local languages were in used. But gradually, due to being far off distance from Delhi’s sources, and in a limit use of Persian language in those areas, the religious preceptors [Sufias] used to Hindi as a medium of preaching and also wrote some prose and poetry in some of the magazines”. *9
So far as, when the question arises about the development of Urdu, there is some importance of the religious preceptors [sufias] and their writings both in prose and poetry. Their poems have been written in the form of Masnavis [verse comprising couplets]. But the tradition of Ghazals was not in practice. On the lingual level, we find the first creation of the Bahmani sultanate is a Masnavi named ‘Kadamrao Padamrao’, which is composed by Fakhre Din Nizami Bedari.
The credit to search this ‘Masnavi Kadamrao Padamrao’ goes to Jamil Jalibi. Who named it as ‘the first book of Urdu language.’ This Masnavi had been composed by Fakhre Din Nizami at the head quarter of this sultanate, Bedar since 1421ad to1435ad.
Jamil Jalibi has compiled this book from the single manuscript copy, belonged to ‘Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu Pakistan’, and published it in 1973ad. Later, this book has been published from ‘Educational Publishing House Delhi, India in 1979ad.
There is not sure to say anything about the title of this book, because this defective manuscript had lost it some pages from the beginning and the some last. So these are not included into it. Upon the cover page a title was indicated to its name ‘Masnavi Kadamrao Padamrao’ by Fakhre Din Nizami, which was written by the hands of Abdul Haque. So Jamil Jalibi didn’t make it any change in it, knowing that it would be correct and true. The other reason was that, there are two main character s by these names in this book.
The portion after the praise of God, the praise of Prophet and the cause to write this book was not mentioned in this manuscript. The language of this Masnavi [verse comprising couplets] is very difficult to understand. There is a strong effect of the words of Sanskrit, Prakrit and the regional languages. On the base of lingual adjectives, this Masnavi is more near to Gujri language. This Masnavi has two types of style. One of them has the strong effects of Hindu tradition, which is nearer to the moods of Shah Bajan, Qazi Mahmood Daryai and Jio Gamdhani. The other style is that, which later comes into sight in Abdul’s Masnavi ‘Ibrahim namah’, or in the San’a’ti’s Qissa e Benazir.
The style of Masnavi Kadamrao Kadamrao—-the style of this Masnavi is the first and foremost sample of Indian tradition. There a large number of phrases and proverbs have been used.
The second masnavi of the sultanate of bahmani is ‘nao sarhar’ composed by ashraf bayabani. In this masnavi he reveals the events of Imam Husain’s martyrdom at Karbala, but it is quite different from the present biography.
We are totally unaware about the life history of Syed Shah Ashraf Bayabani. According to Jamil Jalibi, his father’s name was Syed Shah Zia uddin Rafai Bayabani. He was the eldest son of their father. His span of life was between 846 AH and 945 AH/1459 AD to 1528 AD. Ashraf Bayabani got his early education from his father and after him succeeded at caliphate in909 AH/1503 AD.
Ashraf’s three books are known.
1. Lazim ul Mubtadi
2. Wahid Bari, and
3. Masnavi ‘Nao Sarhar’
The cause for naming this book ‘Nao Sarhar’, he tells that this book is divided into 9 chapters, and its each chapter is like a precious garland. Further these nine chapters are divided into 20 sub chapters. According to Nasir uddin Hashmi,
“One of its manuscripts is found in Idara e Adbiyat e Urdu library and the other is at Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu Aligarh”. *10
In the first chapter of this book, is included the praise of god and prophet then the cause to compilation of this book. In chapter third the events of Imam Husain is mentioned. According to Jamil Jalibi’s saying it is true that,
“After looking the style of revelations and tones of Nao Sarhar, one can guess that this masnavi is compiled to speak in the assembly, so it is nearer to the speaking language, and the usage of proverbs and phrases have made it more effective”. * 11.
In the whole period of sultanate of Bahmani, except of these two masnavis aren’t found. Ashraf has claimed that the language of this book is in Hindavi. It also can be observed by this verse of masnavi
Baz kita Hindavi mein
Qissa e Maqtal Shah Husain.
(I have written this book in Hindavi, and retold the martyrdom land of Shah Husain).
This masnavi is written in the last moment of the sultanate of Bahmani
The style of Bahmani period
We get only two books in this period, whose names are ‘Masnavi Kadamrao Padamrao’ and masnavi Nao Sarhar. The first mentioned book is under the influence of Sanskrit and Hindu Mythology, so it is not easy to understand. The relation of this book with Persian is only that, ‘the heading of the topics are in Persian and its meters of poetry is in Persian also, [I e.fao’lun, fao’lun, fao’lun and fao’l].all the names of characters are Hindus. It is nearer to Gujrati.
The last ‘masnavi Nao Sarhar’ does not follow this rule. It has written in an easy and fluent pattern. So it got the status of admissible.
The usage of long and short phoneme; there are some example like this,
Dharit [dharti=earth], akas [a’kas=sky], kulah [kula’h=cap], kaal [kal=tomorrow] saach [sach=true] and pather [pathther =stone].
Nasalization; there are two forms are found,
1. The first is added at last, like this; bolnan [bolna=speak], gholnan [gholna=soluble], kon [KO=to], son [so=therefore] tun [too=you].
2. The letter is added in between, like this; ghans [ghas=grass], jhoont [jhoot=lie] and shank [shak=confusion].
There are some examples of omission and to excess the aspirate phonemes, like this; muj [mujh=myself], tuj [tujh=you], kuch [kuchh=some] and khan [Kan=mines], bijhli [bijli=lightening] and mandhir [mandir=temple].
There is also two specialization deccani words ‘ch’ and ‘niko’ [in negative sense] are found in both masnavis. The word niko’ has come once in ‘Kadamrao Padamrao’.
The period of Bahmani sultanate lasts here. The sultanate goes to the way of split. As a result of separation, there five independent sultanates come into existence.
In 1487 AD the sultanate of Barid Shahi established at Bedar by his founder’s name Amir Qasim Barid. But soon it came under the power of Bijapur in 1619 AD. In the same year [1487 AD] at Barar Imad Shahi sultanate came into power. In 1490 AD at Ahmad Nagar by Ahmad Nizam Shah founded the Nizam Shahi sultanate. In the same year [1490 AD] at Bijapur, Yusuf Adil Shah laid the foundation of Adil Shahi sultanate. The fifth and the last sultanate of Golkunda was founded by Quli Qutb shah at Golkunda and called the Qutb Shahi sultanate. Among these sultanates, only two of them took part in the development of Urdu. These are known as Adil Shahi and Qutb Shahi sultanate.
Urdu in Adil Shahi sultanate
In 1490 AD, when the founder of Adil Shahi sultanate, Yusuf Adil shah ascended the throne of Bijapur, he made the Persian as the official language in royal court, against the sultan of Bahmani. But Ibrahim Adil shah 1 made Hindavi [Urdu] in usage, by discharging the Persian. This is obvious by the ‘Tarikh e Farishta. ’
“———————–and by discharging Persian, he made Hindavi [Urdu] as official language”. *12
After Ibrahim Adil Shah1, Adil Shah 1, made Persian to official language. But the patronage of poetry and literature remained like before. After that, Ibrahim Adil Shah ii alias ‘Jagat Guru’ made Urdu as an official language again. Since then, this language remained as the official language till the end of the sultanate. In his regime the art of literature and music reached on its climax. The renowned poets of the Adil Shahi sultanate are ‘Nusrati’ ‘Abdul’ and ‘Muqimi Bijapuri’. The resounding of their masnavis lasted a long time. One of the poetry collections of Ali Adil Shah ii is found now by the name of ‘Kulliyat e Shahi’, the last sultan of this sultanate.
Muhammad Nusrat ‘Nusrati’; life and works
Muhammad Nusrat Nusrati [died 1085 AH/1674 AD] was a born poet. His father was a soldier by his occupation, and had earned much popularity and honor. He had managed to educate his son Nusrati in a proper way and taught by the scholar of their time. Nusrati was also to keen to learning. So he turned his mind towards to compose poetry and began his poetry. There was a time when he was called ‘Mulla Nusrati’ in public by his learning and knowledge.
Nusrati got his entrance in the royal court by his poetry and got the title of ‘Malik ush Shoara’ [poet laureate] also. Nusrati didn’t die his natural death. It is supposition that he had been killed by their jealous by a conspiracy. His year of death can be obtained by this line of a verse ‘Nusrati shahida hai’ [Nusrati is a martyr] in 1085 AH /1764 AD. He lived in the period of Ali Adil Shah ii.
In the compilations of Nusrati these are included like masnavi’ Gulshan e Iishqe’ [1068 AH/ 1657 AD], Ali Nama [1076 AH/ 1672 AD], Tarikh e Eskandari [1083 AH/ 1672 AD] and Divan e Nusrati [collection of Ghazals]. In his divan we find, Ghazals, Qasieds [a genre of poetry, couched usually in high flown language 16 to 90 couplets with even lines rhyming together] , Mukhammas [verse written in five lined stanzas], Hijo [ satire] and Rubaiyat [quatrains].
Masnavi Gulshan e Ishqe; the compilation year of this masnavi is 1068 AH. Now which copy of this masnavi is towards me, is edited by Syed Muhammad M.A, and it has published by Silsala e Yusufia, issue no 8 from Hyderabad in august 1909 AD. The total no of verse which is included, is 4400.
At the time of compilation, before Nusrati was only the standard of Persian masnavis. So he claims that his verse is like that,
Ma’ni ke Surat te ho a’ rsi
Kiya sher Deccani ko jiyon Farsi.
[It is like a mirror, in the sense of meaning, which I have made like Persian in Deccani]
First of all, the idea to compose this masnavi’ Gulshan e Ishqe came into mind of Nusrati during an assembly of friends between conversation. There it was mentioned that the greatest Iranian poets have gained their climax in the art of poetry, but so far, neither Deccani poet has composed such poetry. Only a masnavi ‘Saif ul Mulook wa Badi ul Jamal’ is found by Ghawwasi. So Nusrati composed this masnavi.
It is the first compilation of Nusrati. The mood of this masnavi is nearer to middle age. This masnavi is based on the story of a king, prince and princess. Nusrati has named this masnavi as a ‘Sher e Ta’za’ [new verse] due to his power of revelation and imagination. So he has claimed
Digar sher Hindi ke baze hunar
Na sakte hain liya Farsi main sanwer
Main is do hunar ke khulase ko paa
Kiya Sher Ta’za donon fan mila.
[The other art of art of Hindi verse, which they can’t adorn in Persian, I have mixed the summary of both skills together he].
The style of masnai ; there it can be guessed by the study of masnavi , that it is nearer to the new style of Bijapuri style by its language and revelation, but it is nearer by the mood and form to the masnavi of Golkunda.
Ali Namah; this is the second masnavi of Nusrati. It is a very long epic. This time which is in front of mine, it is edited by Abdul Majid Siddiqi and published by Salar e Jung, Deccani publishing Bombay in 1959 AD.
The form of this masnavi is like the ‘Gulshan e Ishqe’. It has been divided into many parts. In the beginning of each part, there is given one or two verse like the heading. The masnavi begins by the praise of Allah. After that there are prayers, then praise of holy prophet, revelation of Meraj [the special event to meet among the holy prophet and Allah on heaven], Munqibat [praise of the Holy Prophet and their companions] and the praise of sultan Ali Adil Shah, then the cause to compilation of the masnavi and the adjectives of succession on throne have included in this verse. So Jamil Jalibi has written about this epic,
“Ali Namah is a story of Ali Adil Shah’s of beginning ten years ruling period in verse. Nusrati has revealed it in details in Ali Namah, about all wars, triumphs political events and his engagements in it. It shows the real features of his period, on the other hand it also gained the form of an epic”. *13
At the time of compiling this masnavi there was an example of Shahnamah on the artistic level. He has tried to maintain the standard of Shahnamah here. That is why; this Masnavi is matchless by their individuality. By this regard, the position of Nusrati is very high in old Urdu literature. Therefore it can be said that in Adil Shahi period the genre of masnavi got its classical standard by Nusrati. So the position of Decani language rose also.
Life and works of Abdul
The life history of Abdul is behind the veils, but by the study of ‘Ibrahim Namah’ it can be estimated that he related by the court of Ibrahim Adil Shah ii. Under reference masnavi is written by the request of sultan. It is a long masnavi, which was compiled in the year of 1012 AH/1603 AD. In this masnavi, the personality and his good qualities of sultan has been made its subject. This is in the form of Persian masnavis. Its metre is based on fao’lun ,fao’lun ,fao’lun, fao’l.
Under reference masnavi, is edited by Masood Husain Khan and published by the department of linguistics, Aligarh Muslim University, in the year 1969 AD. Here we find only a verse about his name and nom de plume.
Too, Abdul keti sifat shah kar bayan
Rahi hai soo, bhar kar zamin asma’n
[You are Abdul, how can you narrate the quality of sultan, which has covered the universe and the sky]
After looking this verse, Muhi uddin Qadri Zore has estimated that perhaps the name of Abdul would be Abdul Gani [Abdul Ghani]. But the editor of this masnavi Masood Husain Khan believes that,
“In Abdul keti Abdul has been written by mixing with keti [kitni= how much]. Here it isn’t his name but nom de plume is disclosed”. *14
Except it, the year of compilation is also obvious by a verse;
Bachan phool gund yun Barahim nam
Kiya sahas per baras barah tamam.
[Here the order of Barahim has been gathered like a garland, I have ended it in 1012 AH.]
The total number of verse, in this masnavi is 713. Due to an orderly written it has got the shape of like a qasidah [in comium ode].
The style of Masnavi; So far as the question arises about its style, there is a mass usage of Deccani with Arabic and Persian words. One of the verses indicates it,
Zuban hindavi mujh sun hon Dehlavi
Na janun Arab hor Ajam masnavi,
[There hindavi language has become like Dehlavi, but I don’t know Arabic and Persian]
By observing this verse Janil Jalibi has estimated that the native land of Abdul would not be Bijapur. So he further writes,
‘‘In this line of Abdul [Zuban Hindavi mujh son ho Dehlavi] shows that his relation would be from Delhi. It also would be possible that had migrated there from Delhi to Deccan. So here Abdul has indicated here about this relation, and it is also be possible that he would come there by hearing the fame of patronage of scholars by jagatguru”. *15
It is true that, while we observe the form, style and meter of this masnavi Ibrahim Namah, we estimate that there are more ratios of Arabic and Persian words than earlier. It is why, he has gotten an adorn which neither seen in the earlier Adil Shahi period.
Muqimi: life and works
Mirza Muqim Muqimi; there is a famous name of Muqimi and his masnavi ‘Chandra Badan wa Mahyar in the Adil Shahi sultanate. Now this time, which copy of this masnavi is before me, it is edited by Akbar uddin Siddiqi and published by Majlis Isha’at Deccani and Deccani Sahitya Prakashan Samiti in 1956.
The life history of Mirza Muqim Muqimi Bijapuri is not known. Only it is known that he lived in Astrabad. He came to Bijapur in his early age after his father’s death, where he grown up and got his education also. At last he got the position of a prominent poet of age.
Abdul Quadir Sarwari has informed that there are two masnavis of Muqimi except his Persian Divan. One of them is ‘Chandrabadan wa Mahyar’ and the other is ‘Somhar ki Kahani’. But the compiler of this ‘Masnavi Chandra Badan wa Mahyar’ says that there is only one Masnavi. According to Jamil Jalibi,
“Muqimi is the writer of Chandera Badan wa Mahyar, who has composed minimum a Persian masnavi also, and has used his nom de plume in his both masnavis. Muqimi was not related with any court. So there is not any verse found in the praise of any sultan. It seems that after the meeting with Ghawwasi and due to his follow he wrote this Masnavi”. * 16
Here the statement of the poet comes true that Ghawwasi had composed his famous masnavi in 1035AH and it got fame far and wide. In this scenario it can be imagine that it would have been a cause to follow him after ward. It also can be prove by Muqimi’s given verse bellow, where he accepts himself about the meeting with Ghawwasi. He writes here,
Tattabai Ghawwasi ka bandya hun main
Sun mukhtasar liya ke sandya hun main
Enayat jo uski hui mujh upper
Yu tab nazm qissa kiya sar basar
[I have followed to Ghawwasi; I have listened a little but mixed it. It was his Kindness upon me then I have composed this story completely.]
The word of enayat [kindness] indicates the meeting of face to face. So far as the year of compilation is, Muqimi’s masnavi Chandara Badan wa Mahyar, it can be estimate between 1035 -1050 AH.
The style of Masnavi ; when we discuss about the style of this masnavi , then the analysis of Jamil Jalibi comes true,
“The style of Chandara Badanwa o mahyar is a compound of two styles and it has the status of crossing period”. *17
Here the combination of deccani and Persian language come nearer than before. The style of this masnavi is nearer to Bijapuri and Persian, but it is more close to Qutub Shahi style.
Sultan Ali Adil Shah II ‘Shahi’
Ali Adil Shah II [throne 1067- 1083AH / 1656 – 1672 AD] nom de plume ‘Shahi’ was the 8th and the last ruler of Adil Shahi sultanate. He became very popular because of the development of Deccani Urdu and patronage of poetry and literature. He was only nineteen, when he succeeded the throne. According to Jamil Jalibi,
“When the king be a poet, and loves his language, then how can it would be possible that the fortunate of Urdu do not become rich. As a result, Urdu language and poetry did more develop in this regime. The greatest poet of Deccani ‘Nusrati’ got his climax in his period”.*18
The souvenir of Shahi is found by the name of ‘Kulliyat e Shahi’. Now a copy of this Kulliyat is before me, edited by Mubaraz uddin Rifa’t, a teacher of Urdu and Persian literature at government arts and science college Gulbarga [Karnataka] and it has published by Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu Hind Aligarh in 1962.
There are only 240 pages in this Kulliyat e Shahi. The editor of this Kulliyat has explained about the condition of the manuscript when he got it. According to him,
“Since the beginning and the last pages are not included in it, so it cannot be said that who was its calligrapher, and when it was written/ there is a verse about the Badshah Mahal, which was built in 1081AH. So this Kulliyat would have been collected after 1081AH and before the date of sultan Ali shah ii the month of zeeqadah 1083AH”. *19
When we over turn the pages of this Kulliyat, we get that Shahi had practiced into different genres, like; Qasaed, Masnavis, Ghazals, Mukhammas, Musamman, Rubaiyat, Fardiyat, Geet, Dohe, Kabbit, and dates of important events etc.
Style of Shahi; here we get a different pattern to adopt the Persian genre in Shahi’s Kulliyat, but we find his Hindi mood and special shape and colour everywhere. These are cultural and lingual effects which has covered the whole Kulliyat.
The style of Adil Shahi period; the style of this period is clear only by one of this line of Nusrati,
‘Deccan ka kiya sher jiun Farsi’
[I have made the verse of Deccan like Persian]
It is obvious that if these sultanates of Deccan would have gotten the life, then it was sure that the status of Nusrati could be high. But as a result of mughal invasion rapidly, the language of north India became overpower on its legend and literature. We observe an environment to raise the other genre like Urdu ghazal in Deccan, in adil shahi period. The other genres are like qasaeds and marsiya [elegy] etc. these genre gets their literary status in this period. As you know that the rulers of adil shahi sultanate were shi’ites, so they made an especial arrangement for the period of Muharram and their meetings, which are held time to time. Here the genre of marsia rooted its feet deep in the earth. It was a special time when the poets of that period wrote many marsiyas [elegies] and Salams [a poem to show the respect for spiritual leader]. These marsiyas and Salams were recited in the public meetings. In this situation the elegy of shahi and mirza are more valuable. One of the genre which is called satire [hijo] also appears in this period. Nusrati had also written some satires to his contemporaries. So, one of his opponents killed him. For example
Sukhan dar sher kahne thi rahna chup aj behtar hai
Jama’at harzah goyan ki kidhar kuche mein ghar ghar hai.
[I had to say my word in the form of verse, but it is better to say nothing because there is a group of silly person’s house in each lane.]
Conclusion of this period
So far as, the matter of lingual aspects comes forward, then we see that there was the usage of Arabic and Persian words more than bahmani period. The two forms of Sanskrit words ‘tatsam’ [original word] and ‘tadbhav’ [changed word] are also found. The names of masnavis are also found in Persian, like ‘Gulshan e Ishque’, ‘Adil Namah’ and ‘Ibrahim Namah’.
On the other hand, the words of Arabic and Persian have seen more in this period but in Decani style, like ‘faeedah’ [fa’idah=gain], ‘masjeed’[masjid=mosque] .
The usage of long and short phoneme was in practice. The tradition of nasalization has also seen. A method of adding a suffix ‘an’ to make the plural form of words. But some times it was differing in use also like ‘on’ at last. There are some examples; ‘gulan’ [plural of gul=flowers], shahidan [plural of shahid=martyrs] and farishtiyan [plural of farishta= angels].
In this period, the distribution of gender had not been fixed, like ibadat [pray] and sharab [wine], which now is considered feminine gender, was then masculine in shahi’s period. The same condition is found in nusrati and muqimi’s poetry.
The inverted sounds like [T, D, R] were changed in teeth sound, like ‘tut [toot], tukre [tukde] and odh [orh]. At last it can be said that this period had its special distinction, which is totally differ from Bahmani period. There is a poetical delicacy and attraction in this period. The melodious verses are seen to excess the beauty of poetry.
URDU IN QUTUB SHAHI sultanate
The foundation of Qutub Shahi sultanate was led down by sultan Quli Qutub shah in 1512 AD at Golkonda [Hyderabad], now in Andhra Pradesh. There is a great importance of this sultanate to develop and rise of Urdu language. Some of its prominent poets are like Mullah Wajhi, Ghawwasi and Ibn e Nashshati, who were related to the royal court. These were masnavi nigar [poets of verse comprising couplets]. Except of these poets the fifth sultan of this sultanate was Muhammad Quli Qutub shah, was also a great poet. And he has a great honour to have his own first Urdu Divan [a collection of Ghazal].
Mulla Wajhi’s original name was Asadullah and his nom de plume was Wajhi and Wajihi. But he is famous with his name Mulla Wajhi in the world of literature. According to Nasir uddin Hashmi,
“When the situation became favorable, he got closer to sultan. He saw the regime of four sultans of Qutub Shahi sultanate, Ibrahim Qutub Shah, Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah, Muhammad Qutub Shah and sultan Abdullah. He didn’t only look this regime but he was continued in his writing”.*20
Mulla Wajhi was at the post of a laureate at the court of Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah. We find his books, one ‘Qutub Mushtari’ in poetry and the other ‘Sabras’ in prose. Both the books are epics.
Masnavi Qutub Mushtati; it is one of the oldest masnavi of Urdu. This masnavi reveals the love story of Muhammad Quli Qutub shah and his beloved Bhagmati. In this masnavi he has used his nom de plume ‘Wajihi’ everywhere. Wajhi had surely a fully command on poetry. There is an interesting matter in this connection that he has not compared him with any Deccani poets but from all the poets of India. In a verse of the masnavi he has also claimed that
Na pahunche, Na pahuncha hai gun gyan mein
So tuti munjh aisa Hindustan mein.
[There is not any parrot like me in the whole India, which has received on such height of poetry]
By all means, Mullah Wajhi has composed this masnavi ‘Qutub Mushtari’ in the year 1018 AH /1605 AD, which is obvious by this verse below,
Tamam is kiya des barah mane
Sanah ek hazar hor atharah mane,
[I have finished it in twelve days only, and this was the year of 1018 AH]
Later due to passage of time, this masnavi was hidden for a long time. In 20th century it was searched again by Moulvi Abdul Haque, and it published along with his preface in 1938 AD from Hyderabad Deccan. Later the same copy was published from Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu hind New Delhi in 1939AD. At this time one copy of this book is before me, which is edited by Humairah Jalili and it published by Taraqqi Urdu bureau New Delhi in [April to June] 1992.
Mulla wajhi has set up a chapter by the heading of ‘dar sharah sher mi goyad’ [he says about the meaning of the verse]. Here he has indicated that the quality of verse should be simple and fluent which is necessary for a poet, if he tells a little but it should be better in poetical point of view. His thinking is obvious by this verse bellow
Jo be rabt bole to baian pachis
Bhala hai jo yek bait bole salis
Niko kar tu lai bolne ka hawas
Agar khoob bole to yek bait bus.
The meaning of this stanza is that there is no importance of old and waste subject in the poetry but only such poet is praise worthy before him who has invented the new ideas and meanings by his imaginations. This poetical work of mulla wajhi had been considered a great master piece in his age, but nowadays it has its importance due to his oldness. Today when a linguist studies it, then he wants to know about the language of that period was in the practice, and nothing more. So far as the matter of its valuation comes, we can see towards Baba e Urdu Moulvi Abdul Haque. He has written in the preface of this book
“This masnavi hasn’t a high standered”. * 21
But further he has has also praised to Mulla Wajhi and his masnavi. So he writes,
“This masnavi is not a high quality but it has some good qualities in it”.
The subject of this masnavi is based on a love story between Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah and his beloved Bhagwati [Mushtari], which has gotten the status of an epic.
The style of Masnavi: the style of this masnavi shows the Qutub Shahi period, where the process of mixing and accepting the words of between Persian and Hindi was in practice. In this period the status of Wajhi was like a milestone to develop and promote this tradition. Further it helped to make stronger the style of Wali Deccani.
A contemporary and an opponent of Mulla Wajhi, Ghawwasi was the second greatest poet of that period. He received the post of laureate in the regime of Abdullah Qutub Shah. The life history of Ghawwasi is still under veils. Only a little information is given about him by Mir Sa’dat Ali Rizwi, the editor of masnavi ‘Saif ul Muluk wa Badi ul Jamal’. He writes in its preface,
“The date of birth of Ghawwasi isn’t known. It can be imagine that he would have born in the regime of Sultan Ibrahim Qutub Shah, and he started his poetry writings in the regime of Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah. His early age passed in misery. He was a government employee, and he didn’t get any position in the royal court after his try. The regime of Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah passed thus. Yet he started to write his first masnavi ‘Saif ul Muluk wa Badi ul Jamal’ then, when he had became a well experienced and veteran poet”.* 23
While Jamil Jalibi writes about Ghawwasi like this,
“Ghawwasi, about whom name and dates of history is silent. He had used two nom de plumes Ghawwas and Ghawwsi. Ghawwasi was a soldier by his profession and his duty was on night patrolling. So he had been so frustrated by this work that he made an appeal to sultan to pardon him from the duty of security in an encomium ode”. *24
His appeal was granted and soon after in a few years he became a trusted servant. In the year 1045 AH /1635 AD he was sent with Bijapur’s ambassador Malik Khushnud as a counterpart ambassador of Golkunda.
Mir sa’dat Ali Rizvi has told about his two masnavis by the name of Ghawwasi. One of them is ‘Saiful Muluk wa Badi ul Jamal’ and the other is ‘Tuti Namah’. But Jamil Jalibi has added a third masnavi and a kulliat in it. In his words,
“Besides of kulliyat [poetic collection] there are three masnavis of Ghawwasi ‘Maina Satwanti’, ‘Saif ul Mulk wa Badi ul Jamal’ and ‘Tuti Namah’ have been published so far. By the study of these masnavi we get a figure of full talented poet”. *25
But I have found only two masnavis this time. One of them is ‘Saif ul Muluk wa Badiul Jamal’ and the other is ‘Tuti Namah’. The editor of masnavis is Mir Sa’dat Ali Rizvi. So he has added the same preface in both books.
The masnavi Saif ul Muluk wa Badi ul Jamal was composed in the year of 1035 AH, it is obvious on the title page. It has also came in a verse of this masnavi,
Baras yek hazar hor panch tees mein
Kiya khatm yu nazm din tees mein.
[I have finished this poem in the year of 1035AH, in 30 days].
Mir Sa’dat Ali Rizvi has confessed that,
“Both these books are translation from Persian by chance. It is not a creation. So we can’t estimate the imagination and consumption of words by the translation of any poet. But it can be proving a long practice in the field of poetry”. *26
But it is true; these books got the grade of a creation in the skillful hands of a poet. So it got much fame in his time, so that at first time it was conformed of Ghawwasi’s masnavi Saiful Muluk wa Badi ul Jamal and Muqimi wrote a Masnavi ‘Chandra Badan wa Mahyar’. Thus the later poets also paid homage to him.
Tuti Namah: it is the second masnawi of Ghawwasi. Its year of compilation is 1049 ah. It has also published by Silsala e Yusufia issue No 5 from Hyderabad Deccan in 1357 AH.
Source: the main source of ‘Tuti Namah’ is an old Sanskrit book which is called ‘Shukasap Tuti’. It is contained about 70 long and short stories. At first it was translated by Moulana Zia uddin Nakhshabi of its 52 stories into Persian in 730AH. Then its language was difficult. So, on the request of Emperor Akbar one of his ministers Abul Fazal translated it into simple and easy language of Persian. It was the time of tenth century. Later in 1093 AH, Mulla Syed Muhammad Qadri also did a translation of it. But he selected only 35 stories from 52 stories. It should be in our mind that these translations became popular with the same name of ‘Tuti Namah’. Any translator didn’t make any change in it. But when Ghawwasi sat down to compose these stories, then the translation of Moulana Zia uddin Nakhshabi was before him, which he made as a source. He has also expressed about it in a verse also,
Hue Hazrate Nakhshabi mujh madad
Diya main ise to rewaj is sanad,
[Hazrate Nakhshabi helped me; therefore, I made it as a source]
Here a question arises that how many stories were translated by Ghawwasi in Deccani? The editor of this Tuti Namah gives its answer like this,
“But Ghawwasi has selected only forty five stories and also changed in its soul of subject [excess and more]. This is the first translation which has done in Deccani from Persian”. * 27
Ghawwasi has said Tuti Namah like an orchard, which is obvious by this verse
Nahi dastan hai yu hai bostan
Ajab kya jo khush is se hove jahan,
[This is not a legend but an orchard, so there is no strange that the world can get a lot of happiness from it.]
Among all the memoir writers of Urdu, there is only one Mir Hasan Dehlavi, who revealed about Ghawwasi and his masnavi Tuti Namah. We can inspect it below,
“Ghawwasi nom de plume was at the time of Emperor Jahangir. He composed Tuti Namah of Nakhshabi in old language. One half of it is in Persian and other half in Hindi. I had seen it by the way of carelessness. The verse of that poem isn’t into memory”. *28
Style: if we try to look towards the style of gGhawwasi by the point of language then we find that the effect of the Deccani style has been decreasing in these masnavis of Ghawwasi. While the style of Persian was taking deep its roots. The main cause of it was the evolutionary travel of Urdu. These types of changes were necessary. The style of tuti Namah is more forward than his first masnavi ‘Saif ul Muluk wa Badi ul Jamal’. Here the grip of the poet is stronger on language and expression. If we compare them from modern masnavi, then we can not say it any great poetic work like Mulla Wajhi‘s Qutub Mushtari, but neither can’t neglect to its historic importance.
Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah
Sultan Muhammad Quli Qutub Shah was the fifth ruler of Qutub Shahi Dynasty. He became the heir of the throne after his father’s death, Ibrahim Qutub Shah. That time his age was only fifteen years old [5th June 1580 AD]. After 33 years of ruling, he died in the age of 48. His ruling period is known as the ‘Golden Age’. On the base of modern research he has the honour of having the first diwan of Urdu [a collection of Urdu Ghazal]. So Jamil Jalibi writes,
“Muhammad Quli is a noble and the first poet to have a Urdu divan, the poetic verse of the poets are found before him but neither person hadn’t collected their divan like Persian in alphabetically order”. *29
At first time, this divan of Quli Qutub Shah was edited by his nephew and successor Muhammad Quli Shah with a versified preface. There are about 50,000 verses in it. There are different types of genre like Ghazal, Songs, Qasaids, Masnvis, and Marasis in it.
By the hands of the revolution of time this divan of Quli Qutub Shah was hidden by the eyes of public. It was our fortune that Moulvi Abdul Haqe, who searched it and already introduced into the Urdu world by an article. Then Mohiuddin Qadri Zore edited it and it was published by the Sisila e A’safia’s printing programme in 1941. Now a day, which copy of this kulliyat is available in the market, it is edited by Syeda Jafer. It was published by Taraqqi Urdu Bureau New Delhi in 1985. Some of its reprint edition came later in public view. This time one such copy is before me. There is a preface of Mrs. Jafer, which covers 294 pages, included in the beginning of this kulliyat.
So far as, the matter comes in the poetry about nom de plume many Persian and Urdu poets have been using since before. It is such a name which comes instead of the original name of the poets. Some poets have used more than one nom de plume. But Quli Qutub Shah is more generous to have his nom de plume. He has used about 17 nom de plumes, which has been counted by Jamil Jalibi is given below,
“Muhammad, Muhammad Shah, Muhammad Quli, Muhammad Qutub, Qutub e Zaman, Qutub Shah , Muhammad Qutub Shah Ghazi, Muhammad Qutub Shah Raja, Muhammad Qutub Shah Sultan, Muhammad Qutub Shah Nawab, Ma’ani, Qutub e Ma’ani, Qutub e Mana and Turkaman. Most of the places he has used Ma’ana, Qutub, Qutub Shah and Turkaman.
Style: The official language of Qutub Shahi period was Persian but the public and dignitaries used to speak in Urdu and Telugu. The sultans of Qutub Shahi period were Shi’ite believing in twelve Imams. Therefore, many religious customs, functions and the meetings have been held time to time punctually round the year. On such occasions not only public but also sultan assembled there. In this way the Indian society and Hindu mythology had made a tight grip upon the culture. Although this poetic collection is based on Deccani Urdu but its metres are based on Persian. It should be in your mind that then the phoneme had been preferred on writing. So we find there a great change in spelling of the words of Arabic, Persian and Baraj bhasha.
Ibn e Nashshati
We don’t know more about the life Ibn e Nashshati. A little information has been provided us by Nasiruddin Hashmi in his book ‘Deccan mein Urdu’, it reveals that the
“Name of Ibn e Nashshati was Sheikh Mazhar uddin and his father’s name was sheikh Fakhruddin. The detailed reports about their life, date of birth and studentship in poetry are still under veils”. *30
Ibn e Nashshati was in the period of Abdullah Qutub Shah and he was the last poet of Qutub Shahi sultanate. He has used over more than one nom de plumes. Basically he was the master of the prose. He wrote only one masnavi is named ‘Phool Ban’.
Masnavi Phool Ban was compiled in the year of 1076 AH. It was completed in the period of three months. He has mentioned it in a verse of this masnavi.
Yu Phool Ban tin mahine lag lagaya
Punam ka chand ho pura to a’ya.
[I have expended the time of three months to complete this ‘Phool Ban’. Then it became like a full moon. ]
The editor of this masnavi, Abdul Qadir Sarwari has indicated that the date of compilation of this masnavi was 1076 AH. But the thinking of Jamil Jalibi is differing. According to him it was ten years before,
“Ibn e Nashshati has composed this Phool Ban from a Persian story ‘Basatin ul Uns’ [written by Ahmad Hasan Dabir id Rausi] in 1066 AH/1655 AD in Deccani”. *31
The total number of verse is there1744.
The theme of this masnavi is based on a love story. There are 38 verse lines in the praise of Abdullah Qutub Shah. The editor of this masnavi Abdul Qadir Sarwari has contrasted like this,
“After Ghawwasi he was the second great and equivalent poet, whom who raised the standard and style of the mansnavis, and finished it on the level of completeness. The later poets made his work as an ideal like Ghawwaqsi”. *32
Style: Although the standard of this masnavi is not very high in deccani but the ratio of Arabic and Persian words are not less in numbers. The language which has used is simple. So the saying of Dr Sarwari is true about its style,
“He has tried to make ‘Phool Badan’ in simplicity, to make an ideal of creative power”. *33
Conclusion of this period
The style of Qutub Shahi Period: the total means of literature of this period is more than in comparison than in comparison of Bahmani and Adil Shahi Sultanate. Here the official language was Persian but in public usage it remained in Urdu and Telugu. The sultans of Qutub Shahi Sultanate had a strong relation with their native land of Deccan. Therefore this period became more favourable for the growth of Urdu language and poetry. The royal patronage borne good fruits. As a result some poets like Mulla Wajhi and Ghawwasi were honoured by the post of the laureate poet. So we get the ratio of Arabic and Persian words were more in usage than before. But there is if any change, which is in its pronunciations. Some times we get the original shape of the words but some times there is a phonemes change. On the base of phoneme change, there is an interesting change, which is to change the Qaf (Q) in place of Khe and Khe into Qaf (Q). Mulla Wajhi has used many times it. So we see such words in his poetry like Aql [sense] to Akhl and Akhlmand [sensible] to Akhlwand etc. such type of changes aren’t found before Mulla Wajhi. But there is a strange thing that we don’t find any example in the Kulliyat e Quli Qutub Shah. There are some lingual properties are given below,
1. To enlarged and reduced phonemes, like Ja’gah [jagah=place], ha’nsi [hansi=laugh], anand [a’nand=joy] and suruj [suraj=the sun].
2. To excess and reduce in aspirate, like hor [aur=and], sundhar [sunder=beautiful], muj and munjh instead of me, and baginstead of bagh[tiger].
3. To addition and omission in nasalization, like tun [tu=you], kon [ko=to],kach [kanch=glass], ma-bap [man bap=parents] and dono [donon=both].
4. To double the letters, like hawwa [hawa=air], Galla [gala=throat], hallaq [halaq=throat] and hatthi [hathi=elephant]. There are such words are found in excess in Quli Qutub Shah’s poetry.
5. The use of empathetic words, like CH [che an Urdu letter] in munch [munh mein=into the mouth] and bhutej [bahut hi =many or in a large quantity].
6. To change the reverse letter into the dental phonemes, like dhundna [dhoondhna=to search] and thandkala [thandak ka mausam=the winter season].
7. Changing into the Etymology and Syntax property.
So we see that the capital of old Deccani writings was based on creative writings which were an important thing at that time but we can’t refuse it at the present time. By the deep study of this literature we can easily observe the systematic changes into the evolutionary period. Therefore, we are justified to say that these are our valuable lingual and literary heritage.
The poets of Aurangabad
The history of Aurangabad: it is true that the territory of Aurangabad was never a permanent halting place of Gujarat’s region nor its name came into the ears at the time of Bahmani sultanate. The foundation and the development of this area is indebted only Mughals. At present time it is a part of Maharashtra state and a big city of it. But if we want to know its a brief history, then we should consult to Hakim Shamsullah Qadri, who writes in his book’ Urdu e Qadim,
“Before eleventh century the status of this place was like an ordinary village, then its name ‘Khirki’. But when the battle between Shah Jahan [1038-1069 AH] and Malik Amber began, then Malik Amber decided to make this place as his centre place. Since then it got being crowded and step by step it reached the status of a town”. * 34
Further, he writes more about this place,
“When, Aurangzeb became a Junior Commissioned Officer [of army] of Deccan. Then he declared the Khirki as his own centre place, named it Aurangabad. After that the maximum period of his life passed in this city. And for a long period it remained the centre of Mughal Sultanate. Due to this system the greatest number of Umara [noble men], Ulemas [scholars] and Mashaikhin [religious saints], who had any kind of relation with the royal court, they began to reach Aurangabad. At the same time the sultanate of Golkonda and Beijapur were destroyed. So the people of these places became disturbed and they had to migrate to other safe places. They turned their mind to reach Aurangabad also. Above all these given reasons were responsible to make Aurangabad as a centre place of Urdu for some time. And many poets arose from here during this period”. *35
There are three important names of poets from Aurangabad, like Wali [Aurangabadi], Mirza Daud and Siraj Auranagbadi. So we can say that Rekhta (Urdu) actually gets a new life from here just before to reach again his native land Delhi. And the city of Delhi awards him with the honour of a classical status.
Wali: who was called “The father of Urdu poetry” about a century till now. But this thought has not been acceptable among the researchers. There is found a difference about their name and native land among the Urdu linguists. But, here all they agree with their nom de plumes on ‘Wali’. The main memoirs of Urdu like Ghulshan e Hind, Tazkira e Mir Hasan, Tazkira e Ghushan e Sukhan, Makhzan e Nukat, Sukhan e Shoara, A’sar ush Shoara, and Wali Gujrati (by Zahir uddin Madni) have written their name Waliullah or Shah Waliullah. While in Makhzan ush Shoara, Chamanistan e Shoara, Tazkira e Rekhta Goyan, Majmua e Naghz and Tazkira Musarrat Afza have written his name ‘Muhammad Wali’. Gulshan eGuftar by Hamid Aurangabadi [1165AH /1751AD] has also told their name ‘Muhammad Wali’. While the son of his friend Abul Ma’li, syed Muhammad Taqi who has copied the ‘Divan Wali’ wrote such passage on the first page,
‘Tasnif maghfirat panah Miyan Wali Muhammad mutawattan Deccan’.
(Writer is needy of absolution, Wali Muhammad, a native of Deccan). And at last we get such writing.
“Tammat, tamam shud Divan maghfirat nishan Miyan Wali Muhammad mutawattin Deccan ba tarikh doem shahr e zeeqadah 1156 hijri , yazdah sad pinjah wa shash hijri baroz panj shamshamba ba waqt e subh tahrir yaft. Malik wa katib een Divan A’jiz ul maznab Muhammad Taqi wald Syed Abul Ma’li ast. Kase dawa kunad batil ast”. *36
[It came to its end, the Divan of noble Wali Muhammad, a mark of deliverance, a native of Deccan on the date of second, the month of Zee Qadah 1156 AH, eleven hundred fifty six Hijri, Thursday in the morning it was written. The owner and the calligraphist of this Divan is a powerless person, Md Taqi son of Syed Abul Ma’li. If any one claims, he is forgery.]
This is the only first biographer of Urdu poets who wrote him a native of Aurangabad. In his words,
“Wali [Muhammad], Malik ush Shoara [a laureate poet] sher Rekhta (zabardast) sahib e Divan az khak e Aurangabad ast. Mi goyand ki dar Shahjahanabad neez amdah bood”. *37
(Wali Muhammad the laureate poet of the language of Urdu (strong) having a Divan, is a native of Aurangabad, it is so called that he had also come to the city of Shah Jahanabad.)
While in the words of Lachhmi Narayan Shafiq Aurangabadi,
‘As sukkanah e dayar eDeccan’.(chamanistan e shoara’)
(a native of the area of Deccan)
Now we should put a glance towards the poetry of Wali, which he has written about his native land.
You mukh shamma son raushan hai haft iqlim ki majlis
Wali parwangi karta teri mulke Deccan bhitar.
[Like the flame of a lamps mouth Wali has lighted the meeting of seven countries but he rounds like a worm of lamp into Deccan].
Wali Iran wa Turan mein hai mashhoor
Agarche shair e Mulke Deccan hai.
[Wali is famous in the countries of Iran and Turan. But he is a poet of Deccan]
Except of these verses of Wali we find such a verse of Wali, where he has showed to himself above of all the boundaries of province but such a man who belongs to the Global status. Here it means that whole Universe is their native land.
Hargiz Wali ke pass tum batan watan ki mat karo
Jo nih ke kuche mein hai, uskon watan se kya gharaz.
[Never say about the native land near Wali, one he who is in the lane of love. He doesn’t have much interest in their native land].
Therefore, Nurul Hasan Hashmi writes about him,
“The name and the native land of wali there is a long discussion between Deccan and Gujarat and it is unsolved”. *38
So far the question has arisen between about the boundary and vastness of Deccan; here Zahir uddin Madni has tried to solve this matter in his book ‘Wali Gujarati’. A passage is given below,
“The particular sense about the word of Deccan by our ancestors have been made so far, it is not exists only the land of Aurangabad or Bijapur, but it is a such land which begins one side from the bank of river Narmada including the mountain range of Satpura and the land of Raskumari. In this region, there the land of Gujarat and Khandesh is also included. Here one should have this matter under his consideration that the word of Deccan has been doing in use into two meanings. When a person belongs to north India, he uses the word of Deccan, and then he does not mean only the region of the Sultanate of A’safia, but in his imagination comes the whole area of Satpura and Raskumari (which we have told above). But when this word is used in the sense of broad area Deccan, then it means there except Gujarat and Barar, remaining the whole region under this territory. It would be in the knowledge of all public that not only Bombay (Mumbai) but the total area of Gujarat, Kathiawar and also in Deccan the total number of people are remembered as ‘Hindustani’. Although, here all of them are called Delhiites, Banarasis or Biharis. But when these people are in north India, they are called Delhites, Banarsis and Biharees. The Lucknowites call the Biharis “Purbi” [eastern], but Mir Taqi Mir has called all the Lucknowites to the saying ‘Purab ke Sakino’ [it means that the eastern people]. In one place he writes,
Kuchh Hind hi mein Mir nahin log jaib chak
Hai mere Rekhton ka divana Deccan tamam.
[There is a not only person who tears their pockets in India, but the whole region of Deccan is mad also after our Rekhta].
In this verse Mir has used the word of Hind for the whole north India, and he wrote the word of Deccan for the region of Gujarat and Deccan”. *39
Jamil Jalibi says on this critical point,
“If Wali has their relation with the soil of Deccan or Gujarat, now it becomes a meaningless discussion because he has made himself an integral part of Urdu culture”. *40
By all means, we should accept this living reality that the house of this great poet of Deccan would be any part of Deccan, but surely he led the root of movement to reach it in Shah Jahanabad and to communicate with the scholars of this city. The actual situation of that time was that due to stay of Aurangzeb at Aurangabad for a long period a system of trafficking among the people had been started in both the cities. Now the process of hesitation ended here. As a result, Wali also didn’t stop himself to reach Delhi with a close friend Syed Abul Ma’li. This journey became favorable for the Urdu poetry, so still he is remembered in the literary world.
Wali first time reached in Delhi in 1112 AH/ 1700 AD. And here he met with Sadullah Guishan. After a long duration his revised poetry collection (Divan) reached here. This is obvious by one of his verse.
Dil Wali ka liya Dilli ne chhin
Ja kahe koi Muhammad Shah soon.
[Delhi has snatched the heart of Wali; therefore one should go before Muhammad to inform it.]
So far as, when the matter comes about the year of death him, then we can say that his revised Divan reached here in the second year of the succession to the throne of Muhammad Shah. Then Wali was alive, so the estimate of Jamil Jalibi is true and correct,
“The death of Wali Deccani would have been between the years of 1133 AH/1720 AD and 1138 AH/ 1725 AD”.* 41
We will more discuss about him in later chapters.
Our knowledge is very limited about Daud Aurangabadi. Only a little information we get by the book of Hakim Shamsullah Qadri ‘Urdu e Qadim’. Here one passage of this book is given below,
“Name Mirza Daud and their native land is Aurangabad. He is one of the contemporaries of Wali. Lachhmi Narayan Shafiq has reported about him in his memoir book of Urdu poets by hearing to his son Mir Jamal ullah Ishqe and he also wrote the year of his death. Their chronogram is like this,
‘Go birafta Mirza Daud fani az jahan”. *42
[Say that Mirza Daud expired from this mortal world].
A little Divan has passed by our looks. It contains about 500 verses.
So far as the when the matter about Divan e Daud Aurangabadi comes into our minds, and then the quotation of Jamil Jalibi verifies it.
“Just after Wali, among the groups of poets Mirza Daud Beg, Daud Aurangabadi (died in 1157 AH/ 1744 AD) is such a poet having his own Divan, who followed the style of Wali by his consciousness. And he also expressed many times it with proudly.
Haqe ne bad az Wali mujhe Daud
Suba’ e shairi bahal kiya
Ali ki hai qasam sun sher mera
Kahe A’lam Wali sani yehi hai”. * 43
It is obvious that when the fame of Wali speeded in all over the country, then it was such a time when many Urdu poets wrote their Ghazals in his meter and plots. This time Daud only preferred to choose the style of Wali. It is clear one of his verse,
Kahte hain sab ahle sukhan is sher ko sun kar
Tujh tab’a mein Daud Wali ka asar A’ya.
[All the poets say among themselves when they hear this verse, that you [Daud] have gotten the Wali’s inspiration in your nature.]
Style: when we look towards the Wali’s poetry then it appears that his language used in his poetry was very clear. If we make a little change of words in it, then it becomes much closer to present. The same condition appears in the poetry of Daud but he doesn’t step further.
Name: Syed Siraj uddin, fame with the name of Siraj Aurangabadi (1128-1177 AH/ 1715-1763AD) was a saintly guide of Aurangabd. His name is taken between after Wali and before Mir and Sauda as a great poetof Urdu. Some of the prominent memoir writers of Urdu poetry like Mir, Qaim, Tamanna Aurangabadi and Mir Hasan Dehlavi have written about him. Here we give some passages about him below,
In the words of Mir,
“Miyan (Shah) Siraj, dar Aurangabad shunidah mi shawad. Shagird, Syed Hamza ast. Wa hamin qadr az biyaz Syed Manzoor mustafad mi gardad. Sukhan e oo khali az maza nist”. *44
(Miyan Shah Siraj , he is known in Aurangabad was the disciple of, Syed Hamza, and just like this from the poetry book (biyaz) of Syed Manzoor he seeks favour. His speaking isn’t empty with fun)
Now in the words of Mir Hasan Dehlavi,
“Siraj, takhallus az Mardum e Aurangabad, dar waqt e Alamgir awwal bood, az shagirdan e Hamza Ali Deccani, raushan tab’a maloom mi shawad, Khudayash biya murzad”. *45
(Siraj, nom de plume, a native of Aurangabad, he was at the time of Alamgir I bood. He was one of the disciples of Syed Hamza Ali Deccani. He seems bright thinker. May God forgive him).
Qaim Chandpuri writes about him,
“Siraj Takhallus, shakhse az mutawattan e Aurarangabad ast. Az saleeqa e sherash maloom mi shawad. Bisyar ba durusti harf mi zanad”.*46
(Siraj nom de plume, a native from Aurangabad from the style of verse it seems that he presents his thoughts very skillfully)
And Asad Ali Khan Tamanna Aurangabadi, he who is their fellow country man, writes about him,
“Syed Siraj uddin ‘Siraj’, fikre a’li wa tab’a risa mi dasht. Wa dar ma’ni talashi ilm e ustad mi afrasht. Az chande chiragh e hastiyash ba bad e sarsar e ajal khamosh gardid. Wa azeen bazmistan e zulm a’lud ba nooristan e Darus salam Rasid”. *47
(Syed Siraj uddin Siraj, he had the power of high thinking and intellectual mind. In search of meaning he was veteran. Some years ago, he passed from this world when the lights of his life became silent. He went far from the meeting place of atrocities to the place of peace and light).
Hakim Shamsullah Qadri writes about two of his Divan (one of them into Persian and the other in Urdu). Except these he also mentioned a masnavi named ‘Bostan e Khayal’. The total period of their poetry is extended over five or six years only, because when he collected his Divan in 1152 AH/1739AD, then he was only twenty four years old. It was the time when he left the poetry on saying of their spiritual guide, Shah Abdur Rahman Chishti.
Now a day Kulliyat of Siraj is available in market. In Delhi it has published by National Council for Promotion of Urdu (NCPUL). In his kulliyat we find some genres of poetry including Ghazal, Qasaid, stanzas with same refrain, Mukhammasat (pentagons) and Rubaiyat (Quadrains).
So far as, the matter comes to evaluate the literary value of the poetry portion, the conclusion of Jamil Jalibi comes true here, which is given below,
“He is the greatest poet after Wali and among the period of Mir and Sauda. Neither poet could reach to this level in the poetry of high imagination and colours. It is intensly feel by the study of Siraj, that this voice is being heard in the Urdu poetry at first time.” *48
Therefore, we can say that the verse of boast of Daud Arangabadi becomes meaningless before Siraj,
Haqe ne bad az Wali mujhe Daud
Suba’ e shairi bahal kiya,
(God has appointed me, O Daud, after Wali on the post of the state of poetry).
Now it is true that after Wali to maintain ‘the state of poetry’ goes in favour to Siraj. The poetry of Siraj fulfills the standard of a good poetry. A sample of his verse is given below,
Khabar tahaiyur e ishqe sun na junun raha na pari rahi
Na to tu raha na main main raha, jo rahi so bekhabri rahi.
The literary importance of Aurangabad
The land of Aurangabad which got the potion of the capital by Aurangzeb takes a major role in the development of Urdu language as a crossing period. Before it this language was surely growing in different places like in the Bahmani, Adil Shahi and Qutub Shahi Sultanates. But it hadn’t any proper centre to reach his destination. It was the Aurangabad who gave it a national status. Since then such a process began which melted the iron wall between north and south. As a result the lingual aspects got more freshness to reach further.
We can remember some of its main features like this,
1. It chose a positive way for the devotion of Persian language
2. the other big change was that it left its hesitation
3. The third and the main change was that it accepted ‘the national status and style’.
It was the end of the ‘First chapter of old Urdu’.
So we can’t forget the land of Aurangabad. It has its own importance in our literary history. Therefore, its study is essential for every person.
The style of North India
We have fully known that Urdu was born in North India. But due to some reasons the land of Deccan became favorable to it. About three hundred years after in the regime of Aurangzeb it returned to its native land. Here we will discuss about the development of Urdu in North India.
The beginning time of it was a glorious. It has counted since 1193 ad. When Md Ghouri conquered Delhi, then the languages of Muslim army were quite different. They were speaking Turkish, Persian and Afghan, but they chose only Persian as an official language in the royal court. Since then it lasted further many centuries.
We are fully aware that the city of Delhi is situated in the area of khari boli, where the boundaries of many languages meet. The usage of Khari Boli is in the east part of the River Jamna till the area of Ghaziabad. In the west it is surrounded by Haryani language ( jato, bangro). In one direction a dialect of Rajasthani Boli ‘Mewati ends a few miles away. The area of Baraj Bhasha begins twenty five or thirty miles away from here in the area of Mathura and Agra. By the combination of these dialects a language was formed which called Urdu later. In the beginning it was spoken in outside the court like in market places, shrines, mosques and indoor homes. Then the name of this newly born language was given ‘Rekhta’. After 60 years, the first and the greatest Persian scholar and poet, Amir Khusro takes birth here in 1253 AD.
Amir Khusro (1253-1325): Name Abul Hasan Yamin uddin, ‘Amir’ Title and the nom de plumes was Khusro. But he is famous from the public title Amir Khusro in the world history. He was also known a title of ‘Tuti e Hind’. His father’s name was Amir Saifuddin, belongs to a Turkish race and Lachin caste. His grand father was named Imad ul Mulk, one of the noble of Delhi, who brought him up in his sweet care and affection. Khusro had gotten a sharp mind with multi abilities from God. He also got many favorable chances to develop their intelligences. Actually he was a man of ‘sword and pen’. According to Jamil Jalibi
‘Amir Khuro was the owner of 99 books and he was basically a poet and scholar of Persian language. Only some parts of their Urdu poetry is found now but it has been so imitated by the passage of time that it can’t be said perfect. But this matter is granted that Amir Khusro had composed in Urdu poetry. Which he has also verified in the preface of ‘Ghurrat ul Kamal’ that
Juzwe chand nazm e Hindi nazre dostan kardah shudah ast.
(Some poems of Hindi poetry have given among to the friends also)
Therefore, Masood Husain Khan’s faith about him is that he was the first poet of ‘Rekhta’. In his words,
“The first poet of Delhi and its surrounding (Delhi wa Paramanash) is Amir Khusro (1253-1325) ad, who has recounted the twelve names of the Indian languages in his masnavi ‘Nuh Sepahr’. One of them is Lahori and the other is Zuban e Delhi and Paramanash”. *49.
In one other place, he confessed about Amir Khusro is the first poet of Urdu. So he writes,
“About ninety years after the first poet of Urdu Amir Khusro appears (1253-1325) AD, whom he admitted to be the poet of Hindi, although his total Hindi poetry is doubtful”. *50
By this regard, all related genre of poetry to him like a Ghazal of Rekhta, paheliyan ( puzzle) and other things are doubtful in the absence of having no their original manuscripts. But on the base of available materials by his name we can classify their poetry into three parts like this,
1. Having a complete line in Persian and the next line in Hindi or Urdu.
2. Half line in Persian and other half in Hindi or Urdu.
3. Both the lines in Hindi or Urdu.
So far as, the question arises about their number of verses, we actually can’t say anything about it confidently. But we have only faith according to Mir Taqi Mir’s statement,
“Ashar e Rekhta A’n Buzurg Bisyar darad, darin khud taraddud e nist”. *51
(The verse of Rekhta that old man has enough; there isn’t any hesitation in it).
Not only Mir but all the famous memoir writers of Urdu poets have revealed him with respect and honour. At present we find only one Ghazal of Rekhta by his name, which first line is given below here,
‘Ze hal e Miskin makun Taghaful dar a’ye Nainan binaye batyan’.
(Please, don’t neglect to this poor fellow, which eyes are full of tears without saying any word).
This Ghazal is contain on five verses.
The term of ‘Rekhta’: from the beginning time of Urdu language the term of Rekhta strikes on our minds repeatedly. It is such a word which has been coming in use till the first half of the nineteenth century. Now it was necessary to know about this literary term.
The word of Rekhta is a Persian word. It means such any thing which have been broken or destroyed or any thing that decreased from its level. It can be named as Rekhta.
In the use of poetry: at first Mahmood Shirani has tried to find out this term in his book ‘Punjab mein Urdu’. Here he writes like this,
“When Amir Khusro Dehlavi made a new thing by mixing Persian and Hindi music together. Then he created some new terms like Qaul, Tarana, Ma’rufi, Saut e Basit (long voice), Do Bahr (dual meter), Chahar Usul (four laws), Nakhsh e Farsi (charming of Persian) and Ghazals. In this connection he also created the term of ‘Rekhta’. By accepting this term it was meant that those imaginations of Persian are according to Hindi and whom the rhythmic beat and tune are bounded together. It is called ‘Rekhta”. * 52
On the other hand Hakim Shamsullah Qadri has faith that,
“The term of ‘Rekhta’ is applied such a verse towards the Persian poets which is mixed by two languages. The poetry of ancient Urdu poets was a mixture of Persian and Hindi. Therefore it was called Rekhta and this term became popular. That it why, its application became all types of Urdu poems. So by this relation the word of Rekhta got its popularity as a language”. * 53
So the relation of Hindi is proved by Khusro’s poetry and slowly this term gets a certificate of honour by the public. All the Urdu poets have used it in the meaning of language. Except this term some of the terms got customary in that time and afterwards, like Hindi, Hindavi and Zuban e Dehli. Nowadays these terms are not in vogue. But these would have been remembered as a pleasant memoir in the history of Urdu literature.
Khaliqe Bari: this is an attributed lexicon of Amir Khusro which is written in the form of poetry. You may name it a need of that time’s lingual demand. This book has reached to us by facing the sunlight and shade of many centuries. So when this book came into the sight of Mahmood Shirani. He rejected to say it that it would not be the writing of Amir Khusro by different reasons and the lingual weakness in their book ‘Punjab mein Urdu’. In his words,
“If there is his nom de plumes of Khusro present in the verse, but it is not a proof that this Khusro is that famous Amir Khusro. Khusro can be the nom de plumes of other persons and this is my thought that we have given it more importance than need to Khaliqe Bari. There isn’t any mention in this book in the history of literature”. * 54
He further writes,
“If Khaliqe Bari would have been their writings then the condition would have been differ. Since that period till now many books would have been written to follow it”. *55.
But the thought of Shirani is not acceptable when put our eyes towards Wahid Mirza, who has written his thesis on Amir Khusro in London University in 1929. After sometimes it published from Punjab University Lahore in English. Further its Urdu translation was published from Hindustani Academy Allahabad in 1949. Here I copy the statement of Wahid Mirza related to Khaliqe Bari by reference of Gopi Chand Narang.
“After the deep study agreeable and adversary proofs, I have reached at this result that Khaliqe Bari or its most part is sure the writing of Amir Khusro. It is other matter that by the passage of time the process of disposal and distortion (of meaning) had been working there. So the shapes of many words have changed now. Its fair reason is that this compilation has been attributed to Amir Khusro since that time. There isn’t such any matter in this masnavi that could be sufficient to prove it wrong. On the other hand there was such a need to form the syllabus in the period of Amir Khusro, which led him to fulfill this writing”. *56
After Wahid Mirza other name of Safdar A’h comes who also tried to prove that the book Khaliqe Bari is only a writing of Amir Khusro. So he presented an article about it at Urdu Research Bombay Institute. Here he strongly rejected the thought of Shirani. Later this complete article was published by the heading of ‘Amir Khusro Ba Hasiyat Hindavi Shair’ (Amir Khusro as a Urdu poet) in a magazine named ‘Nawa e Waqt’ Bombay in 1962.
Except these two names, there is a third and great name of Prof. Mumtaz Husain to rest Khaliqe Bari by the name of Amir Khusro. So he wrote a complete book about the life and works of Amir Khusro by the title of ‘Amir Khusro Hayat wa Shairi’. First time this book was published from Karachi (Pakistan) in 1976, and later it published from Maktaba Jamia Limited New Delhi in 1982. Here he claimed it to be a real writing of Amir Khusro is Khaliqe Bari after a long discussion. In his words,
‘‘The poetic magazine of Khusro, which is commonly known as Khaliqe Bari, we can more discuss about it after getting its manuscripts and be published. But it can also said that in the presence of this manuscript the thought of Hafiz Mahmood Shirani is not true that which Khaliqe Bari is related to Amir Khusro is an original writing of a unknown person Zia uddin Khusro Gwaliori .
Zia uddin Khusro can be the compiler of ‘Hifzul Bayan’ but he is not the compiler of Khaliqe Bari. Siraj uddin Ali Khan Arzoo was a native of Gwalior. His year of death is 1169 AH. And the year of compilation of Hifzul Lisan is according to Hafiz Mahmood Shirani is 1030 AH. Khan e Arzoo got a long life. If the writer of Khaliqe Bari would have been Zia uddin Khusro Gwaliori , then why this matter could not reach in the knowledge of Khan e Arzoo and why he has related it to Amir Khusro”.
The thought of Jamil Jalibi isn’t differ about Khaliqe Bari. He writes,
“Khaliqe Bari is also their writing but its shape has changed due to the century’s long sunshine and shades, which has added and mixed some things to it. That is why that a great scholar like Mahmood Shirani trapped in the doubt that it isn’t the writing of Khusro”. *58
Not only the above scholars but the greatest linguist of our time Masood Husain Khan has also written in its support,
“Because its references have come more than one times into the lexicon ‘Nawadir ul Alfaz’ (1751 AD) by the name of ‘Risalah Manzoomah e Amir Khusro”. *59
So this matter goes at this result that Khaliqe Bari is surely written by Amir Khusro is correct.
It should be known that such any book like Khaliqe Bari or other related to old Urdu when comes before to us at the time of study then we should consider that these writings are early writings. So we can’t compare it from today’s writings. It is natural when any sapling sprouts out from a seed then it is very soft and weak, gradually it changes into a large tree. So we can’t compare it with an early writings to a modern language. Khaliqe Bari is the earliest writing and our literary heritage. So we should pay to it our respect.
There is not such a great name in his contemporary that we can compare to Amir Khusro and who can raise their literary tradition. But Jamil Jalibi has indicated such a name Amir Hasan, Hasan Dehlavi, who was their fellow disciple. He was also doing great and excellent poetry in Persian. But he migrated to Daulatabad at the time of Muhammad bin Tughlaq. One of Ghazal of Rekhta is attributed to him.
Bikat Kahani: after a long period of Amir Khusro a poet takes birth from north India. He was the first and permanent poet by his writing a masnavi ‘Bikat Kahani’. His name was Muhammad Afzal, Afzal Panipati. He became more popular by this writing, so many poets of that time tried to follow him.
Actually this book is in the form of ‘Barah Masah’. As you know the genre of ‘Barah Masah’ is found Hindi and Punjabi poetry, which describes a young woman’s pangs of separating from her husband through various months of the years.
Name and native land of Afzal: there is a great difference about their name and native land among the researchers and critics. For example Akram Rohtaki has written him a man of Narnol while Qaim Chand puri writes about him ‘Sukkan e Dayar e Mashriqe’ (a fellow from the eastern part) and later he writes him from Jhanjhana. Walah Daghistani has said him from Panipat. But Mahmood Shirani could n’t decide about him in his book’Punjab Mein Urdu’. Only Jamil Jalibi has solved this question. In his words,
“This is the most important representation and valuable writing, ‘Bikat Kahani’in that period from north India. Whom writer is Muhammad Afzal, Afzal Panipati” *60
Afzal has written his two names, Afzal and Gopal in this masnavi, which refers to two different communities. But he easily solve it in a verse which is given below,
Ba ya’d e dilruba khushhal mi bash
Gahe Afzal gahe Gopal mi bash.
(Be happy in the memory of your beloved, sometimes tell yourself Afzal and sometimes call you to Gopal.)
The compiler of this book ‘Bikat Kahani’ are Masood Husain khan and Noorul Hasan hashmi. In the preface of this book we find that,
“In the light of above statement it is clear that Afzal had given their name as Gopal when he was a priest of the temple”. *61
One of other place Masood Husain khan says about the authenticity of this book ‘Bikat Kahani’ like this,
“Because we could not have found any authentic sample of Amir Khusro’s ‘Rekhtagoi’ (Urdu writing) yet, so it can be said authentic that Afzal is the first authentic poet of Urdu from north India, who has completed his Bikat Kahani before 1625 AD. Afzal was the contemporary of Deccani poets like Quli Qutub Shah, Wajahi, Ghawwasi, Ibrahim Adil Shah ii and his court poet Abdul. So he will be count in the list of oldest poet of Urdu”. *62
It is obvious by the above statement that he is the first and regular poet of north India whose poetry is found at presrnt time with the name of Bikat kahani.
Lingual aspect: Bikat Kahani’s language is based on the Emperor Akbar’s period of Khari Boli. Its lingual aspect is still remains after a long period. There are some words also added of Baraj Bhasha, Avadhi and Punjabi. There are many words of Arabic and Persian. On some places the total verse have written in Persian and at some places half line is in Persian and the other half is in Urdu. In the Beginning of the book Persian language is dominated but it has become lesser afterwards. It has its own identity that its language is totally differ from Deccani Urdu. By checking this lingual property and distinction their editors have presented their thought like this,
“In the history of Urdu poetry the position as a poet Afzal is granted. Till the beginning of the nineteenth century he was rememberd among the pious people. His Bikat Kahani is the first authentic collection of Urdu poetry in north India. So in the presence of it the hypothesis of Urdu literature becomes wrong that Wali had lit up the lamp of Urdu poetry in north India”. *63
Here the the above given passage shows that the style of north India was quit different from south. Its effect is visible by this first poetical writing. This is a developed form of Amir Khusro’s Nazm e Hindi or Zuban e Rekhta. The total number of verses have been included to it is 325.
A’shoor Namah: it is an important and second poetical writing of North India, which was written by Raushan Ali Saharanpuri in 1688 AD. Actually it isn’t a Masnavi but a Marsiya (an elegy) which reveals the events of Karbala. Ther are 3544 verses are included into it. It is written in the form of Masnavi (doublet). If we put a look upon it by just then you will find that it has a position of the oldest martyrdom also in North India. The main purpose of this writing was both public benefit and an aim to gain the reward (of virtue) also.
The editor of this A’shoor Namah is Masood Husain Khan and Sifarish Husain Rizvi. It has published by Aligarh in the year of 1972. So far as the matter of ability and their knowledge comes, Masood Khan has indicated aout it like this,
“Raushan Ali is a school teacher and low in rapid versification. Who tries to compose the events of Karbala for the benefit of public and personal reward (of virtue). He never writes his language ‘Rekhta’ but he remembers it as Hindi, Hindi zuban, Zuban e Hindavi and Zuban e Hindustan (Zuban e Hindustani mein Bola ayan, verse No 3517)”. *64
But when the matter comes about his language which he has used here? We look that it is based on Khari Boli. So the thinking of Masood Husain Khan is that,
“We get the greatest document of the last 17th century’s public speech in A’shoor Namah of Raushan Ali which he had written in Saharanpur in an area of pure and simple Khari Boli”. *65
Lingual aspect: There are the words of Arabic and Persian is found into two ways. Some of them have their proper form and the others in changed form, like moving and calm. In short, the spoken language of 17th century has used in it.
Urdu ki Do Qadim Masnaviyan: After the revealation of Ashoor Namah which book comes to our sight, it is Ismail Amrohvi’s ‘Urdu ki DoQadim Masnaviyan’. He was a contemporary of Raushan Ali. We can estimate his year of death during 1711-12 AD. Here we find his two masnavis in a volume. He wrote it respectively in the year of 1693 and 1708 AD.
The native land of Ismail was Amroha but he spent his life time in Aurangabad due to his service. This period is expanded over 20-25 years. So the editor of these two masnavis Naib Husain Naqvi writes like this,
“Ismail spent a great part of his life in his native land. Except having own issues he had knowledge and self abilities also. So he founded an inn with the ‘Ismail Sarai’to maintain the standard of their children by the estate of father”. *66
There are two verses about their native land,
Watan Amroha mera hai shahr nam,
Usi jaye per mera hega qiyam.
Ke hai Amroha shahr mera watan
Jo Dilli ke nazdik hai ba’aman.
Ismail Amrohvi was one of the contemporaries of Muhammad Afzal, Faiz Dehlavi, Jafer Zatalli and Wali Deccani.
Wafat Namah Bibi Fatimah (1692 AD); here it is clear that by this name that this masnavi is an elegy. It has been written in the form of masnavi. This is a short masnavi having only 319 verses in it.
Mojaza e Anar (1708 AD): this is his second masnavi. Here is a story about the king of Khyber and Bilqis Shah. It is also a short masnavi having only 148 verses in it.
Lingual aspect: when we study to both masnavis then it becomes clear that its lingual relation is with Aurangabadi Urdu and not from Khari Boli of north India. So Masood Husain Khan writes,
“Such a poet, whose period of youth has passed in the surrounding of Aurangabad as a soldier in Alamgir’s army. When he writes these Masnavis in own native land, Amroha, (which is a town of Muradabad, an area of Khari Boli and classical Urdu). He has his faith that which language he has been using here, it would be acceptable in the literary area of North India”. *67
So we do not certify this writing as a perfect Khari Boli because some of its included words are neither fully Shah Jahanabad (Delhi) nor from Aurangabad (Deccan). Perhaps it was not possible to do so for Ismail because then the two parts of this country had merged after a long duration. So the effect of merging was current there. Therefore, it can be said a natural process in such circumstances.
Style of North India
We have just seen in above lines that since Amir Khusro to the regime of Aurangzeb the rate of growth of Urdu was very slow. Our literary property is only some books like ‘Bikat Kahani’, ‘A’shoor Namah’ and ‘Urdu ki Do Qadim Masnaviyan’. The above two masnavis are based on Khari Boli because the city of Agra was then the capital of India in place of Delhi. After coming back the capital to Delhi the lingual effects of Baraj Bhasha began to decrease at full speed. The true situation of that time was in the words of Jamil Jalibi like this,
“In the regime of Shahjahan Urdu gets it classical shape and the scholars began to show their skills in it, in spite of the supremacy of Persian”. *68
As a result, Urdu which had borne having all the powers to raise their head, now it was ready to step down further.
Lingual aspect: When we analyse its phonetical properties, then such result appears as follows,
1. At first the letter‘re’(R) was preffered to ‘lam’ (L). Like, jarna (jalna=to burn), jara (jalaya =burnt), diwari (Diwali= a Hindu festival) and Hori (Holi=a Hindu festival).
2. There was a common tendency to change the pronounciation of Arabic and Persian words then. Like larja (larza =vibrated) and dag (Dagh =spot).
3. The use of long and short phonems was into practice. Like, ha’nsi (hansi =laugh), pati (patra =letter), ra’ta (rat =night), ekly (akeli =alone), devani (divani =crazy), phit (phitkar =curse), talab (ta’la’b =pond) and janawar (janwar= animal).
4. To excess suffix ‘an’ to make plural, like Dhoopan (Dhoop = sunlight) and Hazaran (Hazar = Thousand).
5. A method to change the moving words into passive and passaive to moving words have been seen in A’shoor Namah, like shakal instead of( shakl =shape), Raham instead of (Rahm =kindness )and Aqal instead of (Aql = sense ).
6. Presence of nasalization: which is present both North and Southin old Urdu. Like Fatiman (Fatima), Koonch dar Koonch (kooch dar kooch = to march forward) and Nan (nahin =no).
7. To omit of nasalization; Like Ma (man =mother) and kuwan (kunwan =well).
8. The usage of doubled letter is also found in old Urdu.
9. The usage of some common words which are found in both places. Like son, sin and sati (se), kon (ko), kao’lo (kabtak =when) and Kan tak (kahan tak =where).
10. The use of some Punjabi words is found here.
Etymology: These properties are as follows,
1. If the noun is feminine plural then their adjectives are also brought feminine. Example,
Yeh a’lam phuliyan phulwariyan sab.
2. Not ending at the word ‘ya’ to make simple past tense but at present it ends on ‘a’.
3. Some of the shapes of verbs have the effect of Baraj Bhasha and Avdhi, like ‘rowat hai’ (rota hai =he weeps), sulgat hai (sulagta hai = it smokes), dekhan (dekhta hai = he looks) and hansan (hansta hai = he laughs).
4. Verbs are made with excess of the letter ‘w’. Like A’wna (A’na = to come), sharmawna (sharmana = to be ashamed) and rowat (rota hai = he weps).
5. The use of pronounce: In the old Urdu of north India some pronounce were used like Deccani Urdu. Examples, hamnan (hamara = ours), tumna (tumhara = yours), tumri (tumhari =yours), wo (woh =that) and wey (woh sab =they).
6. Some of other forms of words were also found then, like kita (kitna =how), kina (kiya =did) and dina (diya= gave).
Syntax: Some of its properties are as follows,
1. The use of letter ‘ne’in the Urdu sentences isn’t found systematically, sometimes it is found while it is omitted too.
2. No use of Deccani word ‘ahe’ instead of ( hai = is)in North India.
3. The use of emphatic letter ‘che’or Jim (j) has not seen in North India except Ismail Amrohvi. Bikat kahani and A’shoor Namah have not such any example.
Conclusion of the North India’s style
By the above given proofs we can estimate easily that there was a visible difference between the north and south India’s literary pattern. This is because two different environment. The process of developing the language had been stopped for a long time in North India due to the supremacy of Persian language. The second cause was that the capital Delhi had also gone to Agra, which is in the area of Baraj Bhasha. While, the environment was totally different in Deccan. The sultanates of that region were independent. So they tried hard to develop the language. Their superimo were the patronage also. As a result some of the poets were awarded with the honour of the laureate poet. Such condition didn’t come here during that period in North India. After the merging of these two parts of the country the supremacy of Persian didn’t end soon. But it is true that Rekhta got its autonomous status now. And it has been spoken and understood frequently in the homes, steets, and market places along the mosques and shrines. Here the period of old Urdu ends.
References of Books.
1. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh e Zuban e Urdu, Published by Educational Book House, Muslim University Market Aligarh, 1988, P 6-7.
2. Do, P25-26.
3. Suniti Kumar Chatterji: Indo Aryan and Hindi, Calcutta K. N Mukhopadhya, 1963, P 103.
4. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh e Adab e Urdu, vol I. Educational Publishing House Delhi 6, sixth edition 2004, P 6.
5. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh e Zuban e Urdu, P78.
6. Moulvi Abdul Haque: Urdu Ki Ibtidai Nashw o Numa Mein Sufia e Kram Ka Hissa Published by Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu Hind New Delhi, 1988, P 65.
7. Do P 57, (only reference of verse).
8. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I P 149- 50.
9. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh e Zuban e Urdu, P 110.
10. Nasir uddin Hashmi: Deccan Mein Urdu, Published by Taraqqi Urdu Bureau,New Delhi, Jan- march 1985, P 265.
11. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Ursdu, vol I, P177.
12. Tarikh e Farishta, vol I I , published Pune, 1832, P49.
13. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, 338.
14. Masood Husain Khan: Ibrahim Namah by Abdul (edited), Department of lingistics Aligarh Muslim University, 1949, P 7-8.
15. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh e Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 221.
16. Do, P236 -37.
17. Do, P 246.
18. Do, P 323.
19. Syed Mubaraz uddin Rifa’t: Kulliyat e Shahi (edited), Published by Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu Hind, P 39.
20. Nasir uddin Hashmi: Deccan Mein Urdu, P 85.
21. Moulvi Abdul Haque: Qutub Mushtari by Mulla Wajhi (edited), published by Anjuman Taraqqi e Urdu Hind, New Delhi, 1939, P 3.
22. Do p 4.
23. Mir Saa’dat Ali Rizvi: Masnavi Saif ul Muluk Wa Badi ul Jamal by Ghawwasi (edited), Published by Silsala e Yusufia,Issue No 6, Hyderabad Deccan, 1357 AH, (preface) P 1-2.
24. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 472.
25. Do, P 472.
26. Mir Saa’dat Ali Rizvi: Masnavi Saif ul Muluk Wa Badi ul Jamal by Ghawwasi (edited), P 8.
27. Mir Saa’dat Ali Rizvi: Masnavi Tuti Namah by Ghawwasi, (edited), Published by Sisila e Yusufia, Issue No 5, Hyderabad Deccan, 1357 AH, (preface), P 32.
28. Mir Hasan: Tazkira e Shoara e Urdu, Published by Utter Pradesh Urdu Academy, Lucknow, 1985, P 120.
29. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 411.
30. Nasir uddin Hashmi: Deccan Mein Urdu, P 134.
31. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh e Adab e Urdu, vol I, P487.
32. Abdul Quadir Sarwari: Masnavi Phulban by Nashshati (edited), Published by Silsila e Yusufia, Hyderabad Deccan, Issue No 3, p 7.
33. Do, P32.
34. Hakim Shamsullah Qadri: Urdu e Qadim, Published by Tej Kumar Waris Nawal kishore Press Lucknow, 1967, (third edition) p 106.
35. Do, P 106 -07.
36. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 533, (for reference).
37. Mahmood Elahi: Nukat ush Shoara by Mir Taqi Mir (edited), Published by Danish Mahal Amin ud Daulah Park Lucknow, 1972, (first edition) P 91.
38. Nurul Hasan Hashmi: Rekhta e Wali, Published by Danish Mahal Amin ud Daulah Park Lucknow, Oct 1967, (preface) P 9.
39. Syed Zahir Uddin Madni: Wali Gujarati, Published by Adbi Publishers, 8- Shepherd Rd Bombay-8, 1974, P 76-77.
40. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 534.
41. Do, P 539.
42. Hakim Shamsullah Qadri: Urdu e Qadim, P 110.
43. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 563.
44. Mahmood Elahi: Nukat ush Shoara by Mir Taqi Mir (edited) p 95.
45. Mir Hasan: Tazkira Shoara e Urdu, P 86.
46. Qaim Chandpuri: Makhzan e Nukat, Published by Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy Lucknow, 1985, P17.
47. Asad Ali Khan Tamanna Aurangabadi: Gul e Ajaib, Published by Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy Lucknow, 1985, P 68.
48. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I , P 566.
49. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh Zuban e Urdu, P 78.
50. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddimat Sher o Zubzan, Published by Deptt of Urdu Osmania University Hyderabad, 1966, P 135.
51. Moulvi Abdul Haque: Nukat ush Shoara by Mir Taqi Mir (edited), published by Aurangabad, 2nd Edition, 1935, P 2.
52. Mahmood Shirani: Punjab Mein Urdu, Published by Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy Lucknow, 1982, P 14.
53. Hakim Shamsullah Qadri: Urdu e Qadim, P 10.
54. Mahmood Shirani: Punjab Mein Urdu, P 132.
55. DO, P 134.
56. Gopi Chand Narang: Amir Khusro Ka Hindavi Kalam, Published by Educational Publishing House Delhi 6, 1992, P 127.
57. Mumtaz Ahmad: Amir Khusro Dehlavi Hayat Aur Shairi, published by Maktaba Jamia Limited New Delhi, 1982, P 368.
58. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 28.
59. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh Zuban e Urdu, P 80.
60. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu, vol I, P 62.
61. Masood Husain Khan and Nurul Hasan Hashmi: Bikat Kahani by Afzal Panipati (editors), Published by Utter Pradesh Urdu Academy Lucknow, 1997, P 13.
62. Masood Husain khan: Muqaddimat Sher o Zuban, P120 -21.
63. Masood Husain Khan and Noor ul Hasan Hashmi: Bikat Kahani by Afzal Panipati (editors), Published by Osmania University Hyderabad, 1965, P 395.
64. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh Zuban e Urdu, P 98.
65. Do, P 97.
66. Ismail Amrohvi: Urdu Ki Do Qadim Masnaviyan, Published by Danish Mahal Lucknow, 1970, P 52.
67. Masood Husain Khan: Muqaddima Tarikh e Zuban e Urdu, P 105.
68. Jamil Jalibi: Tarikh Adab e Urdu Vol I, P71.